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Related: Editorials & Other Articles, Issue Forums, Alliance Forums, Region ForumsThe Atlantic: The strategy that can defeat Putin.
Reading some optimistic stuff this morning;
MARCH 7, 2022
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About the author: Eliot A. Cohen is a contributing writer at The Atlantic, a professor at The Johns Hopkins University School of Advanced International Studies, and the Arleigh Burke chair in strategy at CSIS. From 2007 to 2009, he was the Counselor of the Department of State. He is the author most recently of The Big Stick: The Limits of Soft Power and the Necessity of Military Force.
First came the shock: the sight of missiles and artillery shells slamming into apartment buildings, helicopters pirouetting in flames, refugees streaming across the border, an embattled and unshaven president pleading with anguished political leaders abroad for help, burly uniformed men posing by burned-out tanks and infantry fighting vehicles, Russian police spot-checking cellphones on Moscow streets for dissident conversations. Distress and anger and resolution were natural reactions. But the time has come to think strategically, asking what the Westand specifically the United Statesshould do in this crisis and beyond.
French Marshal Ferdinand Foch once said that the first task is to answer the question De quoi sagit-il?, or What is it all about? The answer with respect to Ukraine, as with most other strategic problems, is less straightforward than one might think. At the most basic level, a Russian autocrat is working to subjugate by the most brutal means possible a free and independent country, whose independence he has never accepted. But there are broader issues here as well. The other wars of the postCold War era could be understood or interpreted as the consequence of civil war and secession or tit-for-tat responses to aggression. Not the Russian attack on Ukraine. This assault was unprovoked, unlimited in its objectives, and unconstrained in its means. It is, therefore, an assault not only on that country but on all international norms of decent behavior.
A broader world order is at stake; so too is a narrower European order. Putin has made no secret of his bitter opposition to NATO and to the independence of former Soviet republics, and it should be expected that after reducing Ukraine, he would attempt something of a similar nature (if with less intensity) in the Baltic states. He has brought war in its starkest form back to a continent that has thrived largely in its absence for nearly three generations. And his war is a threat, too, to the integrity and self-confidence of the worlds liberal democracies, battered as they have been by internal disputes and backsliding abroad.
In short, the stakes are enormous, and with them the dangers. And yet there is good news in the remarkable solidarity and decisiveness of the liberal democracies, in Europe and outside it. The roles of Australia and Japan in responding to the Russian invasion are no less significant than those of Britain or France. In that respect, Ukraine 2022 is not Czechoslovakia 1938, not only because it is fighting ferociously but because the democracies are with it in material as well as moral ways. It differs, too, in that this time the aggressor is not Europes most advanced economy but one of its least; its military is not the fearsomely effective Wehrmacht but a badly led, semi-competent, if well-armed, horde better suited for and inclined to the massacre of civilians than a fight against its peers. Russias failure to command the air, its stalled armored columns, the smoking ruins of its tanks and armored personnel carriers all testify to the Russian armys weakness. So too does the continuation in office of the long-serving chief of general staff and defense minister who planned and led this operation, a debacle in the face of every advantage of positioning, timing, and material superiority.
https://www.theatlantic.com/ideas/archive/2022/03/strategy-west-needs-beat-russia/626962/
pfitz59
(10,358 posts)Limited war for limited gain,
no_hypocrisy
(46,080 posts)that it really isn't worth the investment.
Chainfire
(17,530 posts)You can't be a real manly hero and lose a fight you pick on your small peaceful neighbor. He can not back down without losing his mojo. He will escalate before he walks away. A "hero" like Putin would rather bring the world down in flames than to be seen as a "loser." His virtually unlimited power has led him to believe that he is a god. Gods can't fail.
I do not believe that Russians are bad people, however, their traditional stoicism works against their best interest. The Russians are going to have to remove the cancer or live with the consequences. Russians, as well as Ukrainians are Putin's victim. Putin doesn't care any more about his subjects than his "enemy." You can tyrants or peace, not both.
plimsoll
(1,668 posts)If anything hell double down. Ukraine fought back, they were supposed to capitulate. People think he isnt the badass he pretends to be. These are slights hell have to avenge.
Duppers
(28,120 posts)JHB
(37,158 posts)-- Bush White House aide, strongly suspected of being Karl Rove, to journalist Ron Susskind
Lonestarblue
(9,971 posts)His goal was to create conditions where Republicans would hold permanent power with Democrats always being a minority party in government, even as a majority of the people. Only Trump, many members of his administration, and the Republicans who enabled him (like McConnell) are more evil. Like Putin, they have all worked to convince people to ignore facts and to buy their BS reality.
Irish_Dem
(46,918 posts)Gives the West a strategy to defeat Putin.
Response to Tomconroy (Original post)
Irish_Dem This message was self-deleted by its author.
dalton99a
(81,451 posts)For the United States, the decade ahead will require not merely the initial moves made by the Biden administration but a more profound readjustment of strategy. A new defense-strategy document has been in the works for months now; it should be set aside and rewritten for a very different world. There will be no overwhelming shift to focus on China. Rather, the United States will have to be, as it was for most of the 20th century, an ambidextrous power, asserting its strength and managing coalitions in both Europe and the Indo-Pacific. That will, in turn, require larger defense budgets and, no less important, a change in mindset.
More profoundly, American administrations will have to accept the primacy of national-security concerns in a way that they have not for decades. That does not exclude reform at home the experiences of the Civil War and Vietnam, among others, suggest that doing both simultaneously is possible. But it does mean that national security will have to be at the forefront of American thinking. Americans will have to hear from their leaders why that is so and because this president is insufficiently eloquent to do so adequately on his own, he will need to recruit surrogates from both parties to aid him. The Republican Partys political leadership in Congress has rallied to the Ukrainian cause; the Biden administration should take advantage of that.
Many hazards lie ahead, for that is the nature of conflict with an unscrupulous and possibly somewhat deranged opponent. But all the odds are on the Wests side. The valiant Ukrainian population is willing to fight to the end and, for the moment, the West has found the unity and resolve to aid it. The Western economies are far and away the wealthiest, most resilient, and most advanced. The Western militaries deteriorated after the end of the Cold War, to a shocking degree, but their disarmament is not comparable to their desultory state in the 1930s. And the West faces not an ideological challenge comparable to Nazism or Communism but a vicious form of nationalism entrenched in a country that saw a million more deaths than births last year, that is burdened with a corrupt and limited economy, and that is led by an isolated, aging dictator.
Vladimir Putin has one advantage only. As a KGB officer he learned to play head games with his enemies, be they dissidents or foreign powers. Fear is not the consequence of Russian actions but rather their object. It is Moscows chief weapon, and Russian leaders are adept in its use. But fear is also susceptible to the remedy applied by the Ukrainians today, and by many others in the past. Courage, as Churchill famously said, is the virtue that makes all other virtues possible. Without courage, the West cannot succeed, but with it, it cannot fail.
KPN
(15,642 posts)He is far more hawkish relative to federal budget priorities than I believe we should or even need to be. Our defense spending is ethically corrupt in the face of the existing socio-economic inequities that tear at our countrys fabric. The idea of actually increasing it without first providing for at least greater, if not basic economic security of our people is personally unappealing and in my view would be a huge mistake; it would be a give me to GQP defense as well as deficit hawks.
lagomorph777
(30,613 posts)The latter is what has weakened us so much in the past decade.
crickets
(25,962 posts)Laura PourMeADrink
(42,770 posts)has been destroyed. This seems completely insurmountable to me if the goal is to completely annihilate Ukraine
Beetwasher.
(2,970 posts)Not bad.
Laura PourMeADrink
(42,770 posts)intrepidity
(7,294 posts)Laura PourMeADrink
(42,770 posts)Have 95% of their armaments, right?
Personally I think this is an important point because there's so much noise out there about Ukraine winning the war.
intrepidity
(7,294 posts)95% is still a LOT. And I'd bet he didn't send his best stuff yet.
We (all the allies) need to massively over-deliver and fast.
Sherman A1
(38,958 posts)By all measures this campaign should have been but over by now. That it isn't is very telling.