The entire MSF statement is worth reading, but it is not unexpected: there is a long history, as the following sample suggests.
Non-Governmental Organization Statement to the Afghanistan Reconstruction Implementation Group
APRIL 10-11, 2002
<snip>
2. We ask that humanitarian space and access are protected, and the distinction between military and humanitarian action is clearly maintained.
To operate effectively in an insecure environment, humanitarian actors must act, and be seen to act, independently from any partisan political or military agenda. We must be permitted to maintain our political neutrality and our impartiality in the provision of humanitarian services. When soldiers provide relief aid in civilian clothing, they risk blurring the lines between military and humanitarian action and thereby place all humanitarian workers in greater jeopardy than they already are. We applaud the International Coalition’s recent decision to require military personnel engaged in humanitarian activities in Kabul and Mazar to wear uniforms, and we ask that this policy be expanded throughout Afghanistan.
<snip>
http://www.careusa.org/getinvolved/advocacy/agenda/cic/04112002_advocacyafghan.aspWith us or Against us? NGO Neutrality on the Line
By Abby Stoddard
Humanitarian Practice Network
December 2003
Navigating an uncertain course among military and for-profit actors in Afghanistan and Iraq, and confronted by intensifying security threats, NGOs may be forgiven for reacting with alarm to what they see as a gathering storm against non-governmental humanitarian action. From the White House, the State Department, USAID, and conservative think-tanks with close ties to the administration, the message is that neutral humanitarianism has no place within the framework of the ‘global war on terror’. In the past, the mainstream US NGOs have often dismissed with irritation the European fixation with humanitarian principles, regarding such navel-gazing as of little practical value. In the face of the new US foreign policy, the neutrality question has suddenly become less academic, and US NGOs are facing some very difficult choices.
The scale of the challenge. In May 2003, USAID Administrator Andrew Natsios delivered his now-infamous speech to NGOs at a conference organised by the US umbrella grouping InterAction. In it, he roundly scolded NGOs for not clearly and consistently identifying their aid activities in Afghanistan as funded by the US government, and admonished them that they needed to demonstrate measurable results if they wanted to continue to receive USAID funding in the future. Shortly after the speech (in a coincidence noted in press reports) a new website, ‘NGO Watch’, was launched by the conservative think-tanks the American Enterprise Institute and the Federalist Society for Law and Public Policy Studies. The website project, kicked off by a conference entitled ‘NGOs: The Growing Power of an Unelected Few’, contends that the largely left-wing NGO sector wields undue influence over US foreign policy and US corporations. The venture has prompted a more than usual degree of concern among humanitarian practitioners, not least because several senior administration officials come from the two think-tanks involved. The site’s founders declare that, ‘without prejudice’, they intend to ‘compile factual data about non-governmental organizations’, and much of what is on NGO Watch is no different from the information posted on any number of websites and consortia rosters. Yet some in the US NGO community suspect that the NGO Watch project was designed as a tool for the administration to bully non-compliant NGOs, so that those who insist on openly criticising the US government’s actions in Iraq and elsewhere will be held up for public lambasting on the site. The tone of the language about NGOs (‘What are their agendas? Who runs these groups? Who funds them? And to whom are they accountable?’); its corporate sponsorship; and its underlying ideology indicate a heightened level of anti-NGO sentiment, uncomfortably close to official government circles. How real is the threat to NGOs and humanitarian action? Insiders at USAID and others in the US humanitarian community dismiss fears as conspiracy theory-mongering – an over-reaction fuelled by Euro-humanitarian indignation. Yes, there are communication problems with the military, but USAID is a longstanding partner and protector of NGOs and fully understands the importance of their independence and the principle of neutrality, despite some surprising rhetoric from officials (Secretary of State Colin Powell’s talk of NGOs as ‘force multipliers’, for example). Natsios comes from an NGO background himself, and was known not to mince words with the US government. Nonetheless, more seems afoot than just idle talk. The change in tone reflected in Natsios’ speech appears deliberate and meaningful – as though USAID is at once both remonstrating with and appealing to NGOs to get on board lest both they and USAID lose out to the forces of political change. Its partners see USAID coming under growing pressure from the administration and a majority in Congress that is sceptical of the foreign aid enterprise, doubts that it can get results on the ground and questions whether it deserves its place at the foreign policy table.
<snip>
Aid and security. After 9/11, the act of providing relief and reconstruction aid has assumed a vital political importance to the US. At the same moment that the humanitarian community was reaching consensus on the failure of political co-option of the aid response, the US began to demand it to an unprecedented degree. In the late 1990s, European and US NGOs alike reinforced the importance of the neutrality principle, and stressed the point both to governments and the UN. With 9/11 this all changed; early on in the Afghanistan recovery effort, President George W. Bush complained to his National Security Council: ‘We’re losing the public relations war. We’re not getting credit for what we are doing for the Afghan people’. As Natsios later put it to the NGOs, in the bluntest possible terms, ‘The work we do is now perceived to affect the national survival of the US’. Along with the well-known dispute over US military squads in civilian clothing delivering aid to Afghans, US NGOs have had to counter, with varying degrees of success, attempts by the US government to muzzle their press statements and gather information on local partners. Despite the traditionally pragmatic character of many US NGOs, and their willingness to find ways to work with political and military actors when the situation demands, the largest and most reputable are not prepared to be seen as direct agents of the US government.
Aid and profit. The second major trend is a burgeoning for-profit presence in post-conflict reconstruction. The cases of Iraq and Afghanistan are arguably anomalous in their political significance and the scale of reconstruction needed, but Natsios seemed to be putting the NGO community on guard for the future when he declared: ‘Results count. And if you cannot measure results, if you cannot show what you’ve done, other partners will be found’. And found they have been: the total awards to private-sector firms in Iraqi reconstruction are the largest USAID has ever implemented, dwarfing the sums granted to NGOs for smaller, more relief-oriented projects. To date, contracts with US corporations for civilian reconstruction in Iraq total upwards of $1 billion (the largest award, of up to $680 million over 18 months, has gone to US construction firm Bechtel). The provisional authority in Iraq has asked the US Congress for $20.3bn more, of which, if current funding patterns continue, only $.3bn appears slated for non-profit grants (refugee assistance, human rights and civil society). Even in recovery sectors where non-governmental actors traditionally predominate, such as public health and education, the US government has contracted for-profits instead. NGOs’ arguments that demanding quick results detracts from their efforts and comparative advantage in building close partnerships and stable relations with the beneficiary community have held little sway. <more>
http://www.globalpolicy.org/ngos/fund/2003/1200against.htmAFGHANISTAN: Debate over relations between aid community and the coalition
This report does not necessarily reflect the views of the United Nations
KABUL, 24 Dec 2003 (IRIN) - A recent declaration by the new US commander in Afghanistan, Lt-Gen David Barno, to the effect that aid groups must accept that they can no longer be neutral, has prompted discussion about the role of humanitarian organisations in regions where security is poor. His comments followed a series of attacks on UN and NGO aid workers in the south over the past two months. Such attacks have forced the UN and other aid groups to withdraw from some regions, thereby undermining aid delivery and confidence in the reconstruction efforts of the US-backed government ahead of elections slated for June.
"I am now completely shocked by Barno's words and apparent intent, which indicates not only his lack of knowledge but also a complete disregard for the security of the NGO community," Nick Downie, a coordinator for the Afghan NGOs Security Office (ANSO), told IRIN on Tuesday.
<snip>
ANSO argues that the proposal for aid workers to forego their hard-won neutrality would be the loss of the long-standing and effective principles of protection afforded by communities through acceptance. "It appears that he endeavours to breach those principles of humanitarian neutrality and intent; in doing so he implicates combat with humanitarianism. I now fear that the safety of humanitarians is at further risk," Downie stressed.
<more>
http://www.irinnews.org/report.asp?ReportID=38593&SelectRegion=Central_Asia&SelectCountry=AFGHANISTANMuddying the world's conscience
The 'war on terror' is being used as cover for a sustained assault on the independence and progressive agenda of NGOs, says Abigail Fielding-Smith
Friday January 9, 2004
<snip>
Since the US-British invasion of October 2001, neutrality has been difficult to maintain, despite the agencies' best efforts. The US has been widely castigated for its "unhelpful" blurring of military and humanitarian activities. This has included "humanitarian airdrops" from the same planes that had released cluster-bombs, and troops in civilian outfits handing out food.
President Bush complained to his national security council about not getting enough "credit" for the humanitarian effort in Afghanistan. In June, USAid, the body that coordinates funding for US overseas aid, ordered US NGOs to identify themselves more clearly as part of the US operation or lose their funding. A USAid coordinator, Andrew Natosis, said US NGOs should consider themselves "an arm of the US government".
Against this background, the invasion of Iraq fatally compromised the position of NGOs in Afghanistan. Anyone seen to be involved in the international reconstruction effort became a potential target for resistance attacks.
<snip>
Distinctions are further blurred in Iraq by the unprecedented use of for-profit organisations in the reconstruction operation.
<more>
http://www.guardian.co.uk/afghanistan/comment/story/0,11447,1119541,00.html