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Some people say that the "core" should be as little as 31%, citing some statistic about the numbers of "registered" Democrats, and while it's probably BS to peg the "core" of people who always vote one way so tightly to "registration" (for one thing, people in many states don't have to declare affiliation), this is how it changed the bell curve analysis compared to a 40/40/20 rule.
If the "core" is 31%, let's make it 30% to make the math easier, then:
Gore got 30 million Democratic votes. Bush got 30 million Republican votes. Nader got 3 million Green votes. The "independents" are worth 40 million.
The bell curve shows:
10 million - wished Bush were more conservative - voted Bush 30 million - Republican core - voted Bush 10 million - wished Bush were more liberal - voted Bush
10 million - wished Gore were more conservative - voted Gore 30 million - Democratic core - voted Gore 10 million - wished Gore were more liberal - voted Gore 3 million - wished Gore were more liberal - voted Nader
The "core" plus the "left-side" of the core is worth 43 million (instead of 48 million in the previous example).
Therefore, the DK pool would start with 43 million in the pocket, and be competing for 10 million (instead of 5 million) previous Gore voters.
Conservatives like this scenario better, because it makes it easier to dismiss the 3 million Nader voters.
But the progressive would still have the advantage.
Why?
Because the Democratic candidate will start at "even" with more ground to make up against the Republican.
So let's say Dean is the nominee. Instead of having 43 million in his pocket, he's got 30 million, and he has to convince BOTH the previous voters who wished Gore were more liberal, AND the previous voters who wished Gore were more conservative to vote for him, BEFORE he can go after the 10 million who wished Bush were more liberal.
We already know that Dean's narrow interpretation of "centrism" is a recipe for disaster.
In Vermont, when he took over upon Gov. Snelling's death he repealed Snelling's temporary tax increase, angering Democrats, he never got more than 92% of Vermont covered by health insurance, and took the conservative "out" given him by the Vermont Supreme Court on gay civil unions.
As a direct result of his lack of appeal to BOTH liberals and conservatives, Dean saw his re-elect numbers decline steadily from a high of 74% in 1992, to lows of 54% in 1998, and finally 50.4% in 2000 before declining to run a losing race in 2002, leaving his Lt. Governor to lose for him. He did. Lose, that is. Vermont is now governed by a Republican and NO SEAT DEAN EVER HELD IN VERMONT is now held by a Democrat.
Dean's insistence on hewing to a narrow, "centrist" approach enabled the dramatic growth of both third-party "progressives" who were energized by Dean's abandonment of their issues, and, ironically, Republicans, who realized they could elect a REAL Republican instead of a Democratic pretender.
Dean's result in Vermont is EXACTLY what we can expect in a national race. Even if he WINS, his version of "centrism" is so anathema to progressives that he'll cause even more of a split in the Democratic Party as he drives more and more people from it, and Republicans will continue to consolidate the power they've been gathering to themselves over the past several years.
The best bet for the Democrats is to recognize that their "core" is to the "left" (or populist side) of where they've been pretending it is, nominate a candidate who starts from a position of strength with the full complement of progressive voters in his or her pocket, and run a full and powerful campaign based on a "return to traditional Democratic core values."
To fail to re-embrace the Democratic Party's core, legacy principles at this watershed moment with Bush on the ropes is to give conservatives and Republicans probably the greatest victory they could ever hope for.
This opportunity may never come again.
Dan Brown Saint Paul, Minnesota
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