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Edited on Thu Jul-15-04 11:26 PM by The Magistrate
Taken together, this amounts to a prescription for Imperial over-reach sufficient to make the usual demons of this place, the dreaded "neocon," blush in admiration. Far be it from me to under-rate the usefulness of force in human affairs, but believers in force must cultivate a sense of what it can and cannot achieve, and of the response likely to follow on its exercise, for it is a tool only, and one does not cut wood with a hammer, or drive nails with a saw.
Mutually assured destruction worked because on both sides of the balance, the obliterating force was concentrated under the absolute authority of a very few people who had a great deal to lose in the event of any mistep. This necessary condition does not apply to the amorphous foe faced today in the radical fundamentalists of Islam under arms. These do not even operate themselves under any tight central control, but rather in a dispersed manner similar to the "affinity groups" of classical revolutionary Anarchism. Further, they have no particular attachment to their own lives, nor to the lives of their fellows: any believer killed in their struggle, willingly or no, is a martyr sent to Paradise, and so done something of a favor, if involved in either an attack or a retaliation against them.
Your suggested means of communicating your proposal cannot be carried out without a full-bore invasion of Saudi Arabia. There are certainly sound arguments in favor of such a course, but make no mistake that such an action would be required to carry out your proposal. This would certainly be the beginning of, not the deterence of, a war with Islam, in which the entire Islamic world could be expected to become involved. The spectacle of infidel soldiers nailing threats to the doors of mosques in the homeland of that creed would quickly spark a situation that could only be dealt with by extremities of frightfulness. You would not get the chance to say anything to make it clear you meant no disrespect for Islam; the whole of your action would be such an offense that it could not possibly proceed from any degree of respect.
In committing U.S. military power to ensure freedom of the press throughout the world, you are similarly proposing a tremendous task. People who are threatened, as you propose to do to just about every governmental and major economic entity in the world, do not simply tremble and comply: they assess what can actually be done to enforce the threat, and how the threatener can be decieved or evaded. The force available to the U.S. to enforce such a threat being necessarily limited, and the space the threat is leveled against being effectively infinite, most everyone will conclude they can still do what they wish in this regard. They will be correct in that assessment. Journalists will continue to be controlled by "sweets and the whip", though perhaps in different proportion, and through different modalities.
In regard to your third proposal, if you think the Israeli armed forces could be easily brushed aside by U.S. forces, you are mistaken. Israel having no desire for U.S, occupation, its soldiery would resist. There probably is stomach in the U.S. for a war against Islam, but there is not stomach for an invasion of Israel, and it would prove costly. For your enforcement mechanisms, if people do not obey you, you recommend deportation of whole populations, and summary executions en masse. It is probably not necessary, really, to remind you these are serious crimes under international law.
Your final proposal for a sort of "Children's Crusade" is surely the least practical of them all. Tramping about the world to every village and hamlet to verbally persuade requires serious language skills, and, in the most literal sense imaginable, considerable intestinal fortitude. Most people are not up to it; damned few would be any good at it.
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