Last point: I didn't ask you if people should walk around with sticks of C4. I asked you if i should! I'm trained. I'm an expert. I'm even on file with the FBI for this. If someone with my background, training, and experience can't have this stuff: 1) Why not? 2) Why is it different than someone carrying a concealed weapon? If i can be trusted with a gun because i'm no criminal, and i've a clean record, and i can be trusted even to conceal-carry, then why wouldn't i be trustworthy with HMX?
If you can't be licensed to walk around with HMX, then why should you be able to get a license to operate a car? Or conversely, if you can be trusted to operate a car in public, why can't you be trusted to carry HMX around in public?
You are attempting to turn a continuous spectrum into a boolean either/or dichotomy, and that is where your logic breaks down. The fact is, as a society, we license some things, allow some things without licenses, and absolutely prohibit some things. There is a spectrum of degrees of restriction, based on multiple criteria, and firearms fall in between cars and explosives on that spectrum; restrictions on firearm possession and use are somewhat more stringent than for motor vehicles, but less stringent than for explosives. This is not a binary question.
A statistical analysis shows that homicide rate can be correlated to economic and income conditions, climactic conditions, and specific other sociological conditions such as racial and ethinic proportions, (which may be autocorrelated to the economic strata), educational opportunity, and regional cultural biases. So, the data doesn't say what YOU think it says. There is no correlation at all between the laws and the outcomes.
EXACTLY. Which was the point I was trying to get across; I thought you were making the assertion that Illinois and Wisconsin have lower violent crime rates than CCW states, and that the delta arises from the fact that Illinois and Wisconsin don't issue CCW licenses to ordinary citizens. The FBI data would have falsified the first part of such an assertion, and the second part would be unknowable for precisely the reasons you describe.
My point was that Illinois doesn't have a lower crime rate because it prohibits CCW (which I thought was what you were trying to say), as CCW is not correlated with crime rates at all. Though the number of data points for states prohibiting CCW (2) is so small, and the factors leading to violence are so complex, that simplistic comparisons of that sort are naive anyway.
That being said, i don't necessarily favor ultra-strict gun control. That's because there is no correlation the other way, either. So, you are arguing with me about something without having any idea where i stand. I'm a pragmatist, not an idealist. When the data can't support doing something, i think it best to do nothing. Nothing is almost always better than the wrong thing.
I think we're on the same page here. (I am not an opponent of all gun control, though I do tend to oppose nonsensical approaches like bans on rifle handgrips that stick out.) I agree with you on the idea that doing nothing is better than doing the wrong thing.
My only point would be that an absolute prohibition on carrying a firearm for self-defense is not, in fact, doing nothing; it is taking aggressive action against something that most of the nation considers acceptable for licensed individuals. Whether it is the right thing or the wrong thing may depend on one's point of view, but a blanket prohibition isn't neutral.
I think a balanced approach--prohibiting unlicensed concealed carry, but providing for licensure based on statuatory, non-subjective requirements--is a good middle-of-the-road approach, and is the approach that the majority of states have chosen.
(And sorry about the thread hijack--I realize this was not your main point.)
To try to bring things back to your original post--I think there are two widely disparate facets--or factions, if you will--of the Democratic party and the broader progressive movement. One is very individualist, with its philosophical roots planted firmly in the Enlightenment, and takes a high view of individual choice and liberty. The other facet is more collectivist/technocratic, with its philosophical roots in the public health movement, and seeks to shape/control the personal choices of individuals in order to create a subjectively better society.
In my (limited) observation, some prominent Greens (thinking of Nader here) fall into the latter category, but many rank-and-file Greens fall into the former, hence pro-gun Greens aren't all that surprising to me.