The story that needs to be told isn't that complicated. Anyone can understand the basic outline in a few minutes, though of course a more detailed study will produce better understanding:
Just as lost American jobs are the predictable consequence of runaway factories and offshore outsourcing, immigration is the predictable consequence of the destruction of foreign economies by the free trade agreements, which undercut small farmers in Mexico and Central America. The American worker is thus squeezed both by the loss of jobs here and by the flood of desperate foreigners who must either work or starve. Employers find this arrangement beneficial, because, whether documented or undocumented, the immigrants can easily be deported and are more likely to work docilely with fewer protections and lower wages than citizens might have. The whole process is mystified by encouraging Americans to agitate against the immigrants, to form hate groups to attack them, and so on: this reduces the immigrant workers job security, making them still more likely to work at low wages in unsafe conditions -- thus further undercutting the position of all workers. Only an international perspective, that attempts to provide equal rights and living wages for workers on either side of any border, can effectively confront the economic forces in play
Here's a handful of links:
Why should the native-worker majority in the U.S. support the struggle of people who have a different skin color, perform quasi-invisible low-end jobs, and tend to speak a different language? Because, today, there's nothing as crucial to their own wellbeing!
... Racial divisionism and the existence of an underprivileged group (mostly, but not only, Latino) -- a group of second-class workers, virtual indentured servants -- corrupts the heart and clouds the mind of the U.S. working class. The native U.S. worker who views the immigrant as his rival shoots himself in the foot. The anti-immigration sentiment can only backfire on the native workers
http://mrzine.monthlyreview.org/huato130406.html The main dynamic driving immigration policy in the modern era is capital's need for cheap rightless labor. The only way to keep labor cheap -- or cheaper than wages prevailing in the rest of the economy -- is to deprive workers of any legal and political rights, freedom of speech and freedom to form a union being the most dangerous rights.
http://mrzine.monthlyreview.org/pham190807.htmlCall it Juan Crow: the matrix of laws, social customs, economic institutions and symbolic systems enabling the physical and psychic isolation needed to control and exploit undocumented immigrants ...
Along with the almost daily arrests, raids and home invasions by federal, state and other authorities, newly resurgent civilian groups like the Ku Klux Klan, in addition to more than 144 new "nativist extremist" groups and 300 anti-immigrant organizations born in the past three years, mostly based in the South, are harassing immigrants as a way to grow their ranks ...
Meanwhile, a legal regime of distinctions between the rights of undocumented immigrants and citizens has emerged and is being continually refined and expanded. A 2006 Georgia law denies undocumented immigrants driver's licenses. Federal laws that allowed local and state authorities to pursue blacks under the Fugitive Slave Act appear to be the model for the Bush Administration's Agreements of Cooperation in Communities to Enhance Safety and Security (ACCESS) program, which allows states to deputize law enforcement officials to chase, detain, arrest and jail the undocumented. Georgia's lowest-paid workers, the undocumented, now occupy a separate, unequal and clandestine place that has made it increasingly difficult for them to work, rent homes or attend school ...
By keeping down wages of the undocumented and documented workforce, Juan Crow doesn't just pit undocumented Latino workers against black and white workers. It also makes possible every investor's dream of merging Third World wages with First World amenities. Promotional brochures put out by the state's Department of Economic Development, for example, tout Georgia's "below average" wages and its status as a "right to work" (nonunion) state. Georgia's infrastructure, its proximity to US markets and its incentives--nonunion labor, low wages, government subsidies, cheap land--allow the state to position itself as an attractive investment opportunity for foreign companies. While the fortunes of Ford, GM and other US companies have declined in the South, the fortunes of foreign automakers here are rising. Companies like Korean car manufacturer Kia, which plans to open a $1.2 billion plant by 2009, see in Georgia and other Southern states a new pool of cheap labor. Of the $5.7 billion of total new investment in Georgia in 2006, more than 36 percent was from international companies--companies that were also responsible for nearly half of the 24,660 jobs created by government-supported foreign ventures that year ...
http://www.thenation.com/doc/20080526/lovato ... workers cannot change employers under either of these guest worker programs. This situation makes them very fearful and reluctant to assert their rights. It appears quite common that they are unfamiliar with the minimal rights they have, including their right to a safe work environment. The workers I met often work on scaffolding. They told us that their employer warned them if they got hurt on the job, they would have to go home ...
http://mrzine.monthlyreview.org/frisch060106.html After the free trade agreements began to have an effect on less industrialized countries -- primarily by making the goods previously produced in these agrarian parts of the world not worth producing locally because the same goods now imported into the country were cheaper -- the people living in these countries needed money. Like capitalism has always done (especially when it enters a new phase), it disrupted the lives of the small farmers in Mexico and other countries and forced them to the cities for work. Since there is not enough work in the cities in the workers' home countries, they went (and continue to go) to the US, where corporations welcome them in order to keep wages low for all workers. In the wake of this development, there are some that want to turn off the supply of workers and use the laws that forbid foreign workers from becoming citizens to create an anti-immigrant hysteria. US-born workers fall for the game, blaming undocumented workers from other countries for the fact that corporations have played a shell game on them by encouraging immigration to the North in order to keep a cheap labor source available. A larger labor pool means that even US-born workers will work for slave wages just to have a job. The free trade agreements only created freedom for the big corporations. Everyone else, especially workers on both sides of the borders, have less freedom and less security. If workers on both sides of the borders organized together for livable wage jobs, it may become more profitable for the corporations to create work in the immigrants' homelands. However, as long as immigration, not the rapacity of the corporations, is considered the problem, big business will continue to laugh at our ignorance all the way to the bank.
http://mrzine.monthlyreview.org/jacobs220506.html CAFTA expands NAFTA-style free trade to El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, Nicaragua, and Costa Rica -- with the possible later addition of the Dominican Republic. CAFTA's potential impact on workers -- especially women workers -- is a cause of grave concern for many, as women make up 45 percent of the global workforce but are still 70 percent of the world's poor. Seventy-five percent of workers in the Central America live on less than $2 a day.
Under NAFTA, wages declined significantly for all Mexican workers, but women made much less than men to begin with, so poverty has increased 50 percent for women-headed households in Mexico ...
Many observers fear that CAFTA will also have a devastating impact on the 5.5 million farmers and farmworkers in the region. The agreement will eliminate tariffs on 80 percent of U.S. goods and 50 percent of U.S. agricultural products, flooding Central American markets with heavily subsidized U.S. produce. "For rural farmers CAFTA means devastation," says Krista Hansen of the Committee in Solidarity with the People of El Salvador. Women farmers in Central America will be particularly hard pressed to compete against U.S. market dumping, as they have less land and fewer resources in the first place ...
Rural poverty increased from 54 percent to 68 percent in Mexico after NAFTA was implemented. More than 80 percent of Mexico's extreme poor are rural. After NAFTA, 300,000 women farmers in Mexico lost their farms and their jobs. Of the women farmers left, only three percent have more than 10 hectares of land. Women's farms are usually much smaller than men's, and when land is titled, it is usually put in a man's name. This has had a severe impact on women farmers because Mexico has changed its land laws under NAFTA in the favor of individual property rights, hurting women who used to have communal rights to farm land ...
http://mrzine.monthlyreview.org/hornaday071205.html ... The impact of exporting blue-collar jobs to the Far East on U.S. labor far overshadows the damage inflicted by the runaway shop movement and offshoring in the Americas -- and the war is far from over. The devastation wrought on the blue-collar workforce by the first wave of offshoring to the Far East foreshadows a comparable impact on the U.S. white-collar workforce as the second wave gathers momentum ...
The impact of white-collar offshoring on U.S. workers promises to be exacting; while 30 percent of the displaced workers will find new jobs and be no worse off than before they were laid off, over half will have to take pay cuts of at least 15 percent, and a fifth of them will have to bear income reductions of at least 30 percent. As in the case of blue-collar offshoring, overseas start-ups and new hires will far outnumber the export of existing jobs. With Asian wages currently at one half to one fifth those of U.S. workers, many American companies no longer bother recruiting onshore ...
At the same time that elaborate offshoring schemes have been employed to undermine labor in the U.S., a nationwide drive to establish a cheap onshore industrial army has also been launched. The initial action of this offensive is the mass employment of undocumented migrant workers inside the U.S ...
http://mrzine.monthlyreview.org/vogel130707.html