<This was a response to another post about Zim, but it was a bit OT in that thread, and moreover, I thought that many of you might be interested in the relatively unknown history of that country, and the slightly hopeful turn of events there recently. I've been seeing Zimbabwean friends in Brooklyn a lot lately, so I've been thinking about that country a lot lately, and why it's time to bring them back into the community of nations.>
From roughly the early 1980s through the mid 1990s, Zimbabwe had one of the world's most successful land reform programs. Commentators from across the political spectrum analyzed it and held it up as a model for other countries to follow -- from the ANC staffed South African Department of Land Affairs on the left, to the World Bank on the right, to the British overseas development council, everyone who analyzed it was impressed.
The program involved the compensated expropriation of land from the bloated, inefficient, "white" farm sector. These farmers had farms of anywhere between 2,000 to 15,000 acres. They rarely used most of that land, and often held the rest as game reserves, which they charged wealthy overseas adventurers large fees to shoot exotic animals. They also spent scarce foreign exchange on tractors, parts, fuel and other inputs.
In the tradition of southern African white farmers, they did not actually do physical labor, but hired African farm laborers to do the work -- farm laborers who had the skills to carry out farming on their own, if most of the Africans' best land had not been expropriated and turned over to whites from the early to mid 1900s.
According to the 1979 Lancaster House settlement of the Zimbabwean civil war, these farmers were targeted for expropriation and land reform, with the compensation to be paid in British pounds sterling or American dollars. Because of the scarcity of foreign exchange, the compensation was to be funded by the British and American governments.
The farms were distributed to tens of thousands of skilled African farmers, many of them resettled from Zimbabwe's impoverished, crowded black reservations, or "reserves" or "tribal areas." Each white farm could accommodate dozens or even hundreds of small scale black commercial farmers, who used less capital intensive and more labor intensive and animal intensive methods to grow much more food and goods per acre.
By the early 1990s, small scale black farmers were producing more food and agricultural goods than Zimbabwe's white farmers, on both an aggregate, value added, and per acre basis. Human development index studies of resettled black farmers showed that by almost every measure, resettled farmers had dramatically improved their standard of living, and in particular the well-being of women and children had increased.
It's too bad the British and Americans cut off funding for Zimbabwe's land reform program. In a fit of pique, the British and Americans ended the program over their concerns about corruption, the increasingly anti-Democratic drift of Mugabe's politics and the diversion of some of the expropriated farms to wealthy Mugabe supporters through corruption.
Without dollars and pounds sterling provided by the British and Americans, it became obviously impossible to continue the land reform program as envisioned in the Lancaster House agreement, which is to say, compensated in international currency.
The cut off of British and American funding for Zimbabwe's land reform program is the excuse Mugabe gave for then turning to unorganized, uncompensated and ultimately unsuccessful land reform through land seizure and his increasingly dictatorial and irrational stances.
Yesterday, however, the leading expert on Zimbabwe in the United States, Jeffrey Herbst, wrote an op-ed in the NY Times calling for a resumption of aid to Zimbabwe and the re-integration of Zimbabwe into the community of nations, because Mugabe has finally formed a coalition government with his long term opposition, the Movement for Democratic Change and has appointed Morgan Tsvangirai, Prime Minister.
http://www.nytimes.com/2009/05/28/opinion/28mills.htmlOp-Ed Contributors
Bring Zimbabwe In From the Cold
By GREG MILLS and JEFFREY HERBST
Published: May 27, 2009
AFTER years of rightly criticizing President Robert Mugabe’s authoritarian rule in Zimbabwe, Western countries now face a different, and difficult, set of decisions.
Since February, Zimbabwe has operated under a unity government led by Mr. Mugabe with the opposition’s leader, Morgan Tsvangirai, as prime minister. Had last year’s elections been free and fair, Mr. Tsvangirai would have been elected president, but instead of continuing to contest the results he eventually agreed to serve as prime minister. The transition has not been smooth; cabinet posts have been divided up awkwardly, while many people inside and outside the country have criticized Mr. Tsvangirai for seemingly being co-opted by Mr. Mugabe.
As a result, Western governments have been standoffish even though the unity government has taken important steps, notably lowering Zimbabwe’s 231 million percent inflation by abandoning the Zimbabwean dollar in favor of the American dollar and other foreign currencies. Last week, for example, Secretary of State Hillary Clinton said that the United States wasn’t ready to resume aid to Zimbabwe and urged the ouster of Mr. Mugabe, while other Western donors have said they will not provide significant development assistance until there is firm evidence that the power-sharing agreement is working. Human Rights Watch has gone further by arguing that development aid should not be released until there are “irreversible changes on human rights, the rule of law and accountability.”
The reluctance of Western governments and human rights groups to embrace the current Zimbabwean government is understandable. There is, in particular, no real reason to believe that Mr. Mugabe, after decades of dictatorial rule and abuse, has suddenly embraced multiparty democracy. If he had, after all, he would not be president now.
But Zimbabwe may well be a case where the best is the enemy of the good. Mr. Tsvangirai’s party, the Movement for Democratic Change, went into the unity government with its eyes open. “We had won the election but we did not have the support of the military,” Mr. Tsvangirai told us this month in Harare, Zimbabwe’s capital. “We did not want to be the authors of chaos. Instead we need to soft-land the crisis, stabilize the situation through peace and stability and democratic consolidation.” Accordingly, he views Mr. Mugabe as “both part of the problem and part of the solution: we cannot untangle the tentacles of the state without him.”
<More at the link>