EVA GOLINGER, The Bolivarian Rev. is a global Revolution - by Jean-Guy Allard

[magbana]

This article came on an email list , but with no URL. I checked the Granma Int. site, but couldn't find it When I get the URL, I will pass along.)

EVA GOLINGER

The Bolivarian Revolution is a global revolution

BY JEAN-GUY ALLARD
Granma International staff writer?

HER name and her accent are from the movies. Her youthful manner,
bold sense of humor and ironic smile touch everyone. The daughter of
a U.S. father and Venezuelan mother, Eva Golinger is a most unusual
woman.

A lawyer specialized in international human rights law and educated
in New York, she left that U.S. metropolis to live in Venezuela, a
country that she passionately defends.

Her book, The Ch?vez Code, which reveals U.S. intervention in this
South American nation, was described by Jos? Vicente Rangel, then
vice president, as an "incredible record of Venezuelan experiences
from 2001-2003."

Her most recent work, Bush v. Ch?vez: Washington's War on Venezuela,
documents the constant escalation of imperial agression towards the
Bolivarian Revolution.

She attacks without blinking and without fear, the CIA, the Pentagon,
the NED, RSF, USAID, the Venezuelan mafia in Miami or Colombian
paramilitarism, with the ardor of an attorney confronting the court
with irrefutable evidence in her portfolio.

From Caracas, the Venezuelan-U.S. lawyer and researcher Eva Golinger
responds to a few questions.

It has been affirmed that the coup against Ch?vez was CIA-backed. You
have studied this case closely: how is this most evident to you?

There are distinct factors that I have been able to detect and expose
through an investigation that I began more than five years ago,
utilizing the Freedom of Information Act (FOIA) to demonstrate the
involvement of the CIA and other U.S. government agencies in the coup
against Ch?vez. The most conclusive facts and evidence include a
series of documents classified Top Secret by the CIA, dating from
March 5, 2002 to April 17, 2002, which clearly refer to plans for a
coup against Ch?vez: who, how, where and when, everything laid out in
detail. One in particular, dated April 6, 2002; in other words, five
days before the coup, emphasizes how the opposition sectors, the CTV,
Fedec?maras (the country's main business federation), dissident
soldiers, the private media and even the Catholic Church were going
to march through the streets in those first weeks of April and the
coup conspirators would provoke violence with snipers in the street,
causing deaths, and then they would arrest President Ch?vez and other
important members of his cabinet. After that, they would install a
civil-military transitional government. Anyone who knows what
happened that April 11-12, 2002, knows that's what went down. And
after taking President Ch?vez prisoner, it was only U.S. government
spokespersons who came out and recognized the coup government of
Pedro Carmona, and moreover tried to put pressure on other countries
to do the same.

So, those documents that clearly show knowledge of the detailed plans
for the coup against Ch?vez, written by the CIA, are the most damning
evidence confirming the role of the CIA in the coup. However, the
fact that financial and advisory agencies like the National Endowment
for Democracy (NED), the International republican Institute (IRI),
the National Democratic Institute (NDI) and the Center for
International Private Enterprise (CIPE) financed all the groups,
NGOs, trade unions, businesspeople, political parties and the media
involved in the coup, also demonstrate overwhelming evidence of the
role of the CIA and the other U.S. agencies in the coup against
Ch?vez. After the coup, those agencies even increased their funding
for the coup organizers themselves, something that re-confirms their
commitment to them and their intention to continue efforts to
overthrow Ch?vez.

We could also talk of the role of the Pentagon and U.S. military,
which trained the coup members, equipped them with weapons and
promoted their actions.

In what way is the U.S. embassy in Caracas keeping up its
interference?

The U.S. embassy in Venezuela is very active. These days, its main
strategy is subversion. This is manifested by USAID, NED, IRI,
Freedom House, CIPE, etc. funding of opposition groups, but there is
also an attempt to penetrate pro-Ch?vez sectors and communities. This
last tactic is one of the most dangerous and effective. In 2005,
William Brownfield, then U.S. ambassador in Caracas (he is now the
ambassador to Colombia), began to open what they call "American
Corners" in different Venezuelan cities. Currently, they are
operating in Maracay, Margarita, Barquisimeto, Matur?n, Lecher?as and
Puerto Ordaz. They are little propaganda and conspiracy centers that
function as nuclei to recruit and bring together opposition members.
To date the Venezuelan government has not taken any concrete steps to
eradicate this illegal initiative (despite the clear violation of the
Vienna Convention ? these are considered "satellite consulates" by
the US government, despite the lack of permission from the Venezuelan
Ministry of Foreign Relations).

The CIA and the State Department maintain various fronts in the
country, as they always do. There is Development Alternatives Inc.
(DAI), a U.S. corporation based in the El Rosal sector in Caracas,
which functions as a filter for funding from USAID to opposition NGOs
and groups. Then there the Press and Society Institute, part of the
Reporters sans frontiers (RSF) network, which receives funds from the
NED, USAID, the CIA etc. to execute its neoliberal, pro-U.S. policy
and to attempt to accuse the Venezuelan government of being
repressive and violating the rights of free expression and a free
press.

Freedom House and the USAID are also financing right-wing student
leaders and movements and sending them to Belgrade to train with
experts in the Orange Revolution (Ukraine) and other so-called
processes for "overthrowing dictators." Recently, the neoliberal
right-wing Cato Institute think tank, which advises Bush and receives
funding from Exxon Mobile and Philip Morris, awarded a "prize" worth
$500,000 to the opposition Venezuelan student Yon Goicochea. The
prize, which bears the name of Milton Friedman, who was advisor to
Nixon, Reagan and Pinochet and is the architect of the neoliberal
policy and the economic " shock doctrine," will be used to finance a
new, "fresh-faced" political party in Venezuela ? a group of young
people trained since 2005 by U.S. agencies that have had some
influence over certain political sectors during the last year.

The thought is that this group could come to be a powerful political
force since it does not come from corrupt political circles of the
past. However, we have been able to unmask the majority of them and
demonstrate their relationship with Washington as well as the
political elite that governed here before.

With the new CIA Special Mission for Venezuela and Cuba (set up in
2006), we know that the Agency is more active than ever in the
country. The stronger and more popular Ch?vez and the revolution
become, the more resources the CIA and US government dedicate to
neutralize him.

The residue of various Latin American dictatorships is currently to
be found in Miami. The pro-Batista Cubans have dominated the city for
years, but the number of so-called anti-Chavists is growing. What are
your observations on this subject?

Miami isn't an ugly city. Unfortunately, the pro-Batista Cubans took
control of the city decades ago and now they have welcomed the
anti-Chavista Venezuelans, many of them coup organizers, with open
arms. There is talk of "Westonzuela," an area on the outskirts of
Miami where the self-exiled Venezuelans live. I think that they are
totally disassociated from reality, just like those Cubans who are
still living in the 50s. They are aggressive from a distance and have
conspiratorial plans, but I don't believe that they constitute a
serious threat to our revolution.

They go about creating their ruckus over there and working with
Cuban-American congress members, as well as fanatical Connie Mack,
trying to demonize President Ch?vez and the revolution. Their latest
initiative was to place Venezuela on the State Department list of
terrorist countries. Despite the pressure that they brought to bear
and the stories that they invented about a supposed link between the
Venezuelan government and terrorist groups, they failed in their
final objective: Venezuela was not classified as a state sponsor of
terrorism. On the contrary, many congresspersons and members of U.S.
society rejected that initiative and, to a certain extent, that
coupster community was left discredited.

Of course, one must never discount the possibility that they will
continue conspiring and inventing new ways of destabilizing
Venezuela, just as they have done with Cuba for almost 50 years. And
they can count on financial support from USAID, the NED and other
imperial agencies, but I don't believe that they will affect the
advances of the revolution very much. They are paper tigers.

Recently John McCain was boasting to a group of Cuban Americans in
Miami, trying to show that he has always been sensitive to the
situation in Cuba, that he was aboard the USS Enterprise facing the
Cuban coast during the hours of the Missile Crisis. What is your
perception of McCain's stance in relation to Venezuela, Cuba and
Latin America?

If he should be elected president of the United States, McCain would
engage in a much more hostile and aggressive policy toward Venezuela
and Cuba, and the other ALBA countries. His discourse is already more
precise and directed toward the region and he is constantly
mentioning how he would further tighten policy on what he classifies
as dictatorships and "threats to democracy" in Venezuela and Cuba.
That goes beyond simply wanting the Florida vote. McCain is a
military man and an imperialist in the sense that he won't accept the
United States losing its influence over and domination of its
"backyard." He suffers from that same complex that the other
Republicans have about Cuba and Fidel Castro, for example. They still
cannot accept that Cuba has defeated imperial aggression and the 50
years of blockade and attacks. They persist with selfish and
infantile attitudes that stop them from turning the page and
accepting reality: the most powerful empire in the world could not
defeat the Cuban Revolution. So, with a McCain, we will be even worse
off than with a Bush and, believe me, that is a hard one to surpass.

The Democrats' position is not always apparent. Will it be very
different from McClain and his clan?

I don't think it will be that different; perhaps in form, but not in
terms of the final goal. The democrats love to use the NED, the USAID
and the other agencies with "pretty faces" and names like Freedom
House or the Institute for Peace to execute their interventionist
policies. I think that a Democrat in the White House will not change
policy on Latin America to any great extent. Maybe there would be
more dialogue, but I don't believe that the interference will end.
Moreover, all the candidates have said that President Ch?vez is a
dictator and that their administration, if elected, will focus more
on the region's "problems."

Let's remember that it isn't about who occupies the chair in the Oval
Office, but those who are around that person. And that doesn't change
much whether the occupant is a Democrat or a Republican. The
military-industrial complex, the big bankers and the transnationals
are the ones that really govern in the United States. And they are
not leaving power in November.

On a more personal note, access to the power of President Hugo Ch?vez
has evidently changed your life. How did it come about that you
became an actor in the political live of Venezuela? Where were you in
your life? How did you experience the Coup?

I experienced the coup from New York, although I was in M?rida during
the strike and oil sabotage, it was over Christmas and I was visiting
family. I left M?rida, Venezuela in 1998 after having lived there for
nearly five years. During that time, I experienced the era of
political repression, forced military draft and suspension of civil
and basic rights, during the administrations of Carlos Andr?s P?rez
and later Caldera. I know how the country was before the revolution
and believe me that things have significantly changed for the benefit
of all.

Later, when Hugo Ch?vez won, we all had hopes of change, but no one
knew exactly how this would manifest in real life. Many people can
say beautiful things and captivate the public, but few actually act
on those words to make real change. Ch?vez proved that he was
different when he encouraged a nationwide assembly to rewrite the
constitution. Even though I was in New York, I was very interested in
this process. I was finishing my Juris Doctorate in international law
and international human rights. It was such an interesting process to
witness and the resulting document (the new constitution) was
absolutely extraordinary. My interest in the policies of Ch?vez and
the changes happening in the country began to grow stronger. The
media attacks that began against his government when the new
constitution was approved in a national referendum in 1999 got my
attention.

When the coup happened, I was so far away that I just cried because
there was nothing else I could do for my friends and all the victims
of that atrocity. I remember the phone call we received from M?rida
telling us that Ch?vez had been overthrown. We couldn't believe it.
There had been no news on the US television channels. Only hours
later, CNN had a brief note stating that Ch?vez had resigned after
ordering the massacre of protesters in the street. I called friends,
but it was difficult to communicate because the lines were congested.
Later they told me that it had been a coup and that people were in
the street protesting, and that things were not over yet.

The failure of the coup, the rescue of Ch?vez and the revolution on
the part of the people and the loyal military forces, made me want to
return to the country. When I finished my doctorate in 2003, I began
to work closely with the revolution and started an investigation
using FOIA to uncover the role of Washington in the coup. I felt that
it was my responsibility as a US citizen and lawyer to use my
knowledge and privileges to seek justice. I met Ch?vez for the first
time in January 2003, at the United Nations in New York. He
autographed my copy of the Bolivarian constitution and he told me
that since his brother is named Adam his family had wanted him to be
Eva (Eve in English), but Hugo was born instead. Good thing, I told
him.

Later I saw him again on his plane when he invited me to my first Al?
Presidente in April 2004. It was April 11, 2004 and he invited me to
talk about the documents that evidence funding of opposition groups
by the NED and the US government. Shortly thereafter, I decided to
dedicate my lifework to the investigation and the revolutionary
struggle, leaving behind my beloved city of New York and many things
that were important and precious to me. But the struggle for social
justice and my duty to contribute as much as possible to that process
is more important.

It is said that Ch?vez has called you the "sweetheart of the
Revolution," ? I have heard others, with a wink and a smile, call you
the sex-symbol of the Bolivarian Revolution ? you are for many the
Pasionaria of this passionate process. Being both North American and
Venezuelan, so young, attractive, talented, with a successful career
in New York, what provoked you to move to Caracas and risk it all in
this struggle?

Hahahaha, "sex ?symbol" of the Revolution? I don't even have a
boyfriend! Well, maybe the revolution is my boyfriend, as the
President said. What is certain is that I am married to the fight for
justice. What is also certain is that once President Ch?vez did call
me the "sweetheart of the revolution," but as always, he was just
being affectionate and recognizing my commitment and passion for this
process. I don't think it was anything more than that.

To many I am the Pasionaria of this process? Well, I am passionate;
there is no doubt about that. I consider myself to be a revolutionary
combatant committed until death to the struggle for social justice.
For me that means the struggle is above all else. This is not
conducive to one's personal life, as you can imagine. I was married
once (to a Venezuelan, now I'm divorced) I had my practice in New
York, I was making good money, and it's true that I could have taken
advantage of the opportunities within the capitalist system. But that
has never made me happy. I have rejected the "establishment" all my
life. Since I became aware of injustice and the possibility of
changing things, I have been dedicated to that, whatever the cost.

My first jobs were in the social and political arenas. I was a
Greenpeace activist, later I defended and fought for animal rights.
Later I opted for humans and began to study CIA and FBI interventions
in revolutionary movements in the US and in Latin America. I was
passionate about the topic. My university friends remember me that
way and are not surprised at what I am doing today. I have always
been this way. I was also, or I am, a singer and a musician, and I
will continue to be all my life. But for me, life is fluid, the form
changes, but the spirit remains the same. If I can contribute to
social justice through singing, I'll do it. If it's my destiny to do
it as a lawyer denouncing and investigating, I'll do that too. I
don't consider myself "common." I see life from the outside, but I
live it from inside. I believe in sincerity, honesty, respect,
loyalty, and love. More than anything, I believe in justice.

To me the Bolivarian revolution is a global revolution, one of the
most important in history. I feel extraordinarily fortunate to be a
witness and a participant in this process. I was born to be here
fighting for justice, denouncing the interventions and violations of
the empire, contributing my grain of salt to the fight for a better
world.

Venezuela is my country, through blood and struggle. My grandfather
and his family were born and lived here. His blood runs through my
veins and his roots attached to me the first time I stepped on this
magical soil more than fifteen years ago. I will never abandon this
country. Attacking Venezuela and this revolution is like attacking me
in the very foundation of my soul, and I will fight with all I have
to defend that.

[Judi Lynn]

1. After reading your post, I looked to see if I could find a video regarding Eva Golinger.

Here's one, around 15 minutes, Uncle Sam's Coup - Venezuela:

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=O2Uqx_mkhPs

Looks as if there are others available at the site, too.

Thanks for posting this information. I learned a lot more than I had known a few minutes ago!