In recent decades, extrajudicial execution has sometimes been common in Brazil (where police have sometimes targeted homeless street children for extermination), in Peru, in El Salvador, in Guatemala, and elsewhere
Following Bush's kidnapping of Aristide and overthrow of the elected government in Haiti, extrajudicial execution became quite common there
A recent case in the United States is the apparent police execution of Sean Bell, killed unarmed on his wedding day by a group of police who shot him repeatedly and then were acquitted by the judge
Like Venezuela, the United States refuses to invite UN officials into the country to investigate extrajudicial executions. Colombia apparently allows such investigations, but members of the human rights community there (including UN personnel) regularly receive death threats
But in the case of the United States, there is another concern: it is that the stated US policy actually encourages extrajudicial execution in other countries:
UN EXPERT ON EXTRAJUDICIAL KILLINGS TELLS UNITED STATES WAR ON TERROR COULD UNDERMINE HUMAN RIGHTS ACCOUNTABILITY
28 March 2007
The Special Rapporteur on Extrajudicial, Summary or Arbitrary Executions issued the following statement today:
"In recent years the United States has consistently argued that the UN Human Rights Council, and all other international human rights accountability mechanisms, have no legitimate role to play when individuals are intentionally killed, so long as it is claimed that the actions were part of the 'war on terror'," says Philip Alston, the United Nations Special Rapporteur on extrajudicial, summary or arbitrary executions. "While this argument is convenient because it enables the US to effectively exempt itself from scrutiny, if accepted it would constitute a huge step backwards in the struggle to promote human rights. The argument would mean, for example, that the UN Human Rights Council would have no role to play in many of the most chronic situations of human rights violations around the world. All that would be needed is for the governments concerned to invoke the existence of an armed conflict in order to rid themselves of any human rights accountability."
Alston's concerns arose out of the US Government's response to a letter he wrote on 26 August 2005, seeking an official response to information he had received that Haitham al-Yemeni had been killed on the Pakistan-Afghanistan border in May 2005 by a missile fired by an un-manned aerial drone operated by the US Central Intelligence Agency. Rather than accusing the United States of violating any law, Alston had instead sought "clarification" of the facts and of the Government's views on the legal issues involved.
The response of the US Government was unprecedented "because it took the opportunity to challenge the entire international human rights system." The Government argued that international human rights law did not apply to the incident; that the laws that did apply could not be addressed by the Special Rapporteur or, implicitly, by the Human Rights Council; and that each State could determine for itself whether any particular incident could be addressed by the Council.
Alston responded with a thirteen page letter critiquing the Government's position. "The incident involved was by no means the most alarming that I've dealt with this year, but the US government is a key player and its use of an argument with very far-reaching negative implications for the system as a whole is especially troubling." says Alston ...
http://www.unhchr.ch/huricane/huricane.nsf/view01/2E076B5840AE2D0FC12572AC006FA39F?opendocumentThe current US position encourages abuses of the sort that were common in Guatemala and Peru, where past governments routinely claimed that whoever they had killed was essentially a terrorist. This excuse is common in Colombia today and is the fundamental premise underlying much US action in Iraq and Afghanistan