Redirect it to actual stimulus.
From 2005:
By ROBERT H. FRANK
Published: July 7, 2005
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A second way the Bush tax cuts might have stimulated employment is by inducing the wealthy to spend more on consumption. But a large share of the tax windfalls received by the wealthy are not spent in the short run. And even among those who are induced to spend more, the main effect is not increased demand for domestically produced goods and services, but rather increased bidding for choice oceanfront property and longer waiting lists for the new Porsche Carrera GT. Such spending does little to stimulate domestic employment.
Had the dollars required to finance the president's tax cuts been used in other ways, they would have made a real difference. Larger tax cuts for middle- and low-income families, for example, would have stimulated immediate new spending because the savings rates for most of these families are low. And their additional spending would have been largely for products made by domestic businesses - which would have led, in turn, to increased employment.
Grants to cash-starved state and local governments would have prevented layoffs of thousands of teachers and police officers. And many useful jobs could have been created directly. For instance, people could have been hired to scrutinize the cargo containers that currently enter the nation's ports uninspected.
Economists from both sides of the political aisle argued from the beginning that tax cuts for the wealthy made no sense as a policy for stimulating new jobs. And experience has proved them right. Total private employment was actually lower in January 2005 than in January 2001, the first time since the Great Depression that employment has fallen during a president's term of office.
The Center on Budget and Policy Priorities agrees, and goes even further to debunk the latest Republican claim that small businesses will be hurt.
Extending Tax Cuts for One or Two Years or Exempting “Small Business” Income Would Be Ill-Advised <...>
Some argue that now is not the time to allow the 2001 and 2003 tax cuts for high-income households to expire because the economy is weak. But analysis in recent Congressional Budget Office (CBO) report decisively refutes this argument.<2> CBO examined 11 options to stimulate growth and job creation and found that extending the 2001 and 2003 tax cuts in general came in last in effectiveness, well behind measures such as boosting unemployment insurance, providing a tax credit for new hires, extending state fiscal relief, and increasing infrastructure spending.<3>
Furthermore, CBO indicated that extending the tax cuts for high-income households in particular would rate even lower in effectiveness than extending all of the tax cuts. This is because, as CBO explained, “higher-income households … would probably save
a larger fraction of their increase in after-tax income.”<4> An economy in a recession or the early stages of a recovery needs more spending, not more saving. That is why putting money into the hands of people who will promptly spend most or all of it, like unemployed workers, is much more effective at spurring economic and job growth than putting money into the hands of high-income people who are likely to save a significant portion of any additional income they receive.
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Most small businesses are just that — small. Their incomes are not high enough to face the top marginal rates. According to the Joint Committee on Taxation, allowing the two top tax rates to return to their pre-2001 levels would have no impact whatsoever on 97 percent of taxpayers with business income. Only the top 3 percent of such taxpayers are in the top two brackets.
Those who claim that raising the top rates would seriously harm small businesses also tend to rely on an extremely broad definition of “small business.” Because the IRS does not publish specific, satisfactory data on the taxes that small businesses pay, analysts are left to examine various sources of business income that individuals receive. Some analysts define any taxpayer who shows any business income on a tax return — including passive income that very wealthy investors secure — as a small business. Defining small businesses in this manner greatly overstates the actual number of small businesses, particularly among households with very high incomes.<9>
more Edited to add: Anyone notice that Republicans just voted against
small business lending, but are using small businesses as an argument for extending Bush's tax cuts?