Kpete recently posted this topic concerning Feith and the OSP: "CIA Analysts: Over 50% Of Bush's Iraq War Justifications Untrue..." which jogged my memory of Wolfowitz's participation in "Team B" from the 70's. Here's Kpete's thread:
http://www.democraticunderground.com/discuss/duboard.php?az=view_all&address=389x178468Here are some excerpts from that article pertinent to the historical "Team B":
~snip~
Although the Pentagon Inspector General's report released Friday did not address the accuracy of such assessments, it documented the unusual efforts by Defense Department policymakers to bypass regular intelligence channels and influence officials at the highest level of government.
Feith's work was of critical importance to Vice President Dick Cheney, who once referred to the Pentagon team's conclusions as the "best source" for understanding the relationship between Iraq and Al Qaeda.
~snip~
A critical question raised by the inspector general's report is whether Feith and his office were just critiquing CIA analysis, or were creating their own intelligence assessment, a role that is supposed to be left to the CIA and other intelligence agencies.
~snip~
Feith's work had the blessing of his boss, former Defense Secretary Donald H. Rumsfeld. The operation was set up at the behest of then-Deputy Defense Secretary Paul D. Wolfowitz with approval from Rumsfeld, Gimble noted. By most accounts, those three officials had distrust, if not disdain, for the work of the CIA and other intelligence agencies.
~snip~
P.J. Crowley, a retired Air Force colonel and a senior fellow at the Center of American Progress, said that the intelligence peddled by Feith tainted the public dialogue.
"They weren't creating intelligence, but they were assembling the pieces to create a rationale for war," Crowley said. "Their production was discredited, but they had the desired effect. The little pieces ended up infecting the process."
So, here we have a striking resemblance to "Team B" from the 70's. Note below the players involved. (Also of interest is that "
The Committee on the Present Danger (CPD) was resurrected in June 2004 by a largely neoconservative group of 41 members...
Republican Sen. Jon Kyl of Arizona and Democratic Sen. Joseph Lieberman of Connecticut serve as CPD's honorary cochairmen, giving the CPD the appearance of a bipartisan initiative. Like the second CPD, the current CPD is largely a grouping of national security militarists and neoconservatives..."
http://rightweb.irc-online.org/profile/3301 )
Overview of "Team B"
Team B was part of a competitive analysis exercise initiated by U.S. government officials in the 1970s to analyze intelligence on the Soviet Union. Team B was a group of "outside experts" who would counter a group of established CIA intelligence officials known as Team A.(1) Team B argued that the National Intelligence Estimate on the Soviet Union, generated yearly by the CIA, underestimated Soviet military power and misinterpreted Soviet strategic intentions. Its findings were leaked to the press in an unsuccessful attempt at an October surprise to derail Jimmy Carter's 1976 presidential bid.(2) The Team B reports became the intellectual foundation for the idea of "the window of vulnerability" and of the massive arms buildup that began toward the end of the Carter administration and accelerated under President Reagan.(3)
Team B was approved by the Director of Central Intelligence George H. W. Bush. A team of 16 "outside experts" were to take an independent look at highly classified data used by the intelligence community to assess Soviet strategic forces in the yearly National Intelligence Estimates.(3)(4)
There were three teams:
One studied Soviet low-altitude air defense capabilities,
One examined Soviet intercontinental ballistic missile (ICBM) accuracy, and
One investigated Soviet strategic policy and objectives.
It is the third team, chaired by Harvard professor Richard Pipes, that ultimately received considerable publicity and is most commonly referred to as Team B.(3)
~snip~
Creation
In 1974, Albert Wohlstetter, a professor at the University of Chicago, accused the CIA of systematically underestimating Soviet missile deployment, in his 1974 Foreign Policy article entitled "Is There a Strategic Arms Race?" Wohlstetter concluded that the United States was allowing the Soviet Union to achieve military superiority by not closing the missile gap. Many conservatives then began a concerted attack on the CIA's annual assessment of the Soviet threat.(2)(3)
The organization chosen in the administration to challenge the CIA's analysis was the President's Foreign Intelligence Advisory Board (PFIAB). PFIAB's Team B was headed by:
Richard Pipes, a Harvard historian and specialist in Russian history.
Paul Nitze, who also helped to create the Committee on the Present Danger (CPD), the objectives of which were to raise awareness about the Soviets' alleged nuclear dominance and to pressure the American leadership to close the gap.(5)
Team B's members included:
Clare Booth Luce
John Connally
Daniel O. Graham
Edward Teller
Thomas Wolf
Paul Wolfowitz
William Van Cleave (6)
In 1975, PFIAB members asked director of the CIA William Colby to approve the initiative of producing comparative assessments of the Soviet threat. Colby refused, stating it was hard "to envisage how an ad hoc independent group of analysts could prepare a more thorough, comprehensive assessment of Soviet strategic capabilities than could the intelligence community."<5>
In 1976, when George H. W. Bush became the new director of central intelligence, the PFIAB renewed its request for competitive threat assessments. Although his top analysts argued against such an undertaking, Bush checked with the White House, obtained a go-ahead, and by May 26 signed off on the experiment.
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Team_BHere's some more information on "Team B", highlighting Wolfowitz's and Rumsfeld's historical involvement:
To set the stage for this excerpt (no link) -- Sometime during the Ford administration, when Reagan was making his move in his bid for presidency, Reagan was attacking Ford's foreign policy (Ford and Kissinger believed detente was the best approach with Soviet Union, others thought not: Cheney was Ford's new chief of staff and was not supportive of detente, nor was Rumsfeld, Cheney's predecessor. Rumsfeld was, at this time, Ford's secretary of defense). Ford eventually retreated from using the word 'detente' so much.
While Rumsfeld and Cheney were eviscerating Kissinger's Soviet policies at the top levels of the Ford administration and the Republican party, Paul Wolfowitz was engaged in a parallel effort inside the US intelligence community.
At the end of each year, at a time when new defense budgets were being drafted, the CIA ... produced a secret National Intelligence Estimate on the intentions and capabilities of the Soviet Union. ...congressional critics complained that the intelligence community was offering too benign and too optimistic a view of the Soviet leadership and military. The underlying issue was whether the CIA and other agencies were underestimating the threat, either intentionally tailoring intelligence to support Kissinger's policy of detente or by simply failing to give enough weight to darker interpretations of Soviet intentions.
In 1976 Bush, the CIA new director from the Soviet Union, moved to counter the criticism. He appointed a team of outside experts, called the B Team, to review the classified data and to draw up its own separate report on the Soviet Union and its intentions. Team B was headed by Richard Pipes, a professor of Russian history from Harvard University. Wolfowitz, still working at the US Arms Control and Disarmament Agency, was one of the ten members.
The report, delivered at the end of 1976, presented an analysis of Soviet motivations profoundly different from the one US intelligence had been offering. The team concluded it was possible to interpret the available intelligence data as showing that the Soviet Union was striving for military superiority over the United States and that it viewed detente as a means of achieving this goal ... it criticized the CIA for relying too much on satellites and other technology and for failing to give enough weight to what Soviet leaders were saying.This Team B exercise represented an important step in Wolfowitz's career. For the first time he was focusing on the underpinnings of American foreign policy, on the hidden assumptions and leaps of logic that lay beneath the dry, purportedly unbiased studies of the intelligence community. Many years later, in a retrospective interview with the CIA's own internal historians, Wolfowitz said he came to the conclusion that US intelligence analysts had been operating in the fashion of priesthood, issuing conclusions as if they were commandments written on tablets. "The B-Team demonstrated that it was possible to construct a sharply different view of Soviet motivation from the consensus view of the analysts, and one that provided a much closer fit to the Soviets' observed behavior (and also provided a much closer fit to the Soviets' observed behavior up to and through the invasion of Afghanistan)," Wolfowitz said.
The Team B exercise created an important precedent. From that point forward, whenever members of Congress believed that the CIA was minimizing the seriousness of a foreign policy problem, there were calls for a Team B to review the intelligence and make its own independent evaluation. During the mid-1990s, the Republican majority in Congress set up a special commission, modeled upon Team B, to study the threat to the United from ballistic missiles. After reviewing the intelligence, an independent commission concluded that the danger of a missile attack was considerably greater than the US intelligence community had reported. That missile defense commission was headed by Donald Rumsfeld, and one of its leading members was Paul Wolfowitz.Wolfowitz's work on the B Team seems to have had a particularly strong influence on his own thinking. From then on the inadequacies of American intelligence became a frequent Wolfowitz theme. From his own perspective, the intelligence community simply wasn't being skeptical enough; it was too satisfied with information that confirmed its preconceptions. Critics made the reverse accusation against him; there were complaints that Wolfowitz was too eager to obtain intelligence reports that fitted in with his own conservative views.
The Rise of the Vulcans, James Mann, pp. 73-75
And, lastly, a final note from rightweb:
~snip~
Shortly after President Gerald Ford appointed Bush to be the new director of intelligence, replacing the beleaguered William Colby, Bush authorized PFIAB’s plan for an alternative review. The review consisted of three panels: one to assess the threat posed by Soviet missile accuracy; another to determine the effect of Soviet air defenses on U.S. strategic bombers; and a third--the Strategic Objectives Panel--to determine the Soviet Union’s intentions. The work of this last panel, which became known as the Team B Report, was the most controversial. As Paul Warnke, an official at the Arms Control and Disarmament Agency at the time of the Team B exercise, wrote: “Whatever might be said for evaluation of strategic capabilities by a group of outside experts, the impracticality of achieving useful results by ‘independent’ analysis of strategic objectives should have been self-evident. Moreover, the futility of the Team B enterprise was assured by the selection of the panel’s members. Rather than including a diversity of views ... the Strategic Objectives Panel was composed entirely of individuals who made careers of viewing the Soviet menace with alarm.”
~snip~
Right-wing ideologues and militarists frequently cite the example of Team B as a successful model for challenging moderate threat assessments by the foreign policy establishment, particularly the CIA and the State Department. In prevailing over the CIA, Team B demonstrated that “strategic intelligence” based on a policy-driven analysis of an adversary’s perceived intentions could triumph over fact-based intelligence. Through adroit organizing by hawks inside and outside of government, the Team B effort helped re-launch the cold war.
The end of the cold war did not bring to a close the long-running dispute between the national security alarmists on the right and the more conservative analysis of security threats by the CIA, the State Department, and the military itself. In the case of Iraq, the ideologues and militarists, following the Team B model, insisted on the primacy of strategic intelligence. Once again the U.S. government allowed a militarist policy by ideology and fear-mongering to trump facts and reason--at a tremendous cost to U.S. taxpayers as well as a mounting casualty list in the case of the Iraq invasion and occupation.
http://rightweb.irc-online.org/profile/2822edit typo